The Federal High Court in Abuja has been asked to remove Retired Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd.) as Sole Administrator of Rivers State, triggering a constitutional crisis just weeks after his appointment. The petition, filed in March 2025, follows Ibas’s sweeping suspension of nearly every political appointee in the state government — including the Secretary to the State Government, all 24 commissioners, and heads of parastatals — on March 26, 2025. The move, justified under emergency powers granted by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has ignited legal backlash, public outcry, and now, a formal judicial challenge to Ibas’s authority.
Emergency Powers and the Sudden Purge
Ibas, a former Chief of Naval Staff, was sworn in on March 19, 2025, after President Tinubu declared a six-month state of emergency in Rivers State. The declaration suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu, and all 32 members of the state House of Assembly — a dramatic step meant to restore order amid allegations of corruption, violence, and institutional collapse. In his first public remarks, Ibas said his priority was "maintaining law and order," and pledged to work with "other stakeholders." But within a week, he issued an order that went far beyond security: every political appointee was suspended "with immediate effect." The directive, confirmed by the Chief of Staff to the Sole Administrator, demanded that suspended officials hand over duties to permanent secretaries — or, where none existed, to the most senior administrative officer. The scale was unprecedented. Over 100 positions were vacated overnight. No public hearing. No transitional plan. Just a memo.Legal Backlash: Falana’s Challenge and the Court’s Role
By April 17, 2025, human rights lawyer Femi Falana, SAN had gone public. In a statement to Channels Television, Falana demanded Tinubu remove Ibas for "breach of presidential order." His argument? The emergency proclamation authorized Ibas to restore stability — not to dismantle the state’s entire political structure. "The president didn’t give him authority to sack commissioners and dissolve governance structures," Falana said. "This isn’t emergency management. This is executive overreach." Africa Check, the fact-checking organization, confirmed on March 31, 2025 that no court had yet blocked Ibas’s appointment — but that didn’t mean his actions were lawful. The petition now before the Federal High Court in Abuja seeks to declare his suspension order ultra vires — beyond the scope of his legal authority. The court hasn’t ruled yet. But legal experts say the timing matters. With the state of emergency set to expire on September 19, 2025, the court’s decision could determine whether Ibas’s administration survives the next six months — or collapses under its own weight.Internal Resistance and the Resignation That Spoke Volumes
Even within Ibas’s own administration, cracks are forming. On June 20, 2025, a Local Government administrator appointed by Ibas submitted a formal resignation letter, obtained by Punchng.com. The reason? Not stated. But the symbolism was loud. Why would someone appointed by the Sole Administrator turn on him so soon? The answer, many believe, lies in the chaos. Permanent secretaries — civil servants who were supposed to take over — are overwhelmed. Projects halted. Payrolls delayed. Public trust evaporated.Why This Matters Beyond Rivers State
Rivers State is Nigeria’s oil heartland. Its governance isn’t just a local issue — it’s a national barometer. When the executive branch suspends an entire elected legislature and replaces it with a military appointee, it sets a precedent. Other states with political instability — Delta, Bayelsa, Edo — are watching closely. If Ibas is allowed to continue without judicial restraint, future presidents may feel emboldened to bypass democratic institutions under the guise of "emergency." Conversely, if the court rules against Ibas, it could force Tinubu into a corner: either extend the emergency — risking accusations of authoritarianism — or restore the suspended officials, potentially inviting renewed political violence.What’s Next? The Clock Is Ticking
The Federal High Court has yet to schedule a hearing date. Meanwhile, Ibas remains in office, surrounded by silence. No new appointments. No public budget. No visible progress on security or infrastructure. The state government is running on autopilot — if that. The state of emergency expires in less than three months. If the court doesn’t act before then, the question becomes: Who governs Rivers State after September 19? The suspended governor? A new appointee? Or does the federal government extend the emergency — and risk a constitutional showdown?Background: The Roots of the Crisis
Rivers State has been in turmoil for years. Allegations of financial mismanagement, ethnic violence, and electoral fraud have plagued the administration of Governor Fubara. Protests flared in late 2024. Security forces were accused of excessive force. The federal government, under Tinubu, had repeatedly warned of "systemic collapse." But the solution — suspending elected officials and installing a military officer — is as old as Nigeria’s political history. It worked briefly in the 1990s. But in today’s democratic climate, it’s seen as a step backward. The irony? Ibas himself was once part of the system he’s now dismantling. As Chief of Naval Staff, he swore an oath to uphold the Constitution. Now, critics ask: which oath is he honoring?Frequently Asked Questions
What legal authority does the Sole Administrator have under Nigeria’s state of emergency?
Under Section 305 of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, a president may declare a state of emergency to address "imminent danger to public safety or national security." But the powers granted are limited to maintaining order — not dissolving elected institutions or replacing them. Legal experts argue that suspending commissioners and assembly members goes beyond what the law permits, making Ibas’s actions potentially unconstitutional.
Why did Femi Falana specifically accuse Ibas of breaching presidential order?
Falana contends that Tinubu’s emergency proclamation focused on restoring security and investigating corruption — not purging the entire political structure. The suspension of 100+ appointees wasn’t mentioned in the presidential instrument. Falana argues this constitutes an abuse of delegated power, which courts have previously invalidated in similar cases, such as the 2016 suspension of the Lagos State House of Assembly.
How is the public reacting in Rivers State?
Public response has been mixed. Some residents support Ibas, believing the state needed a "clean sweep." But others — especially civil servants, teachers, and healthcare workers — are struggling. Pay delays have become common. Contracts for water and electricity projects are frozen. A recent survey by the Rivers State Monitoring Group found that 68% of residents feel the situation has worsened since Ibas took over.
Could President Tinubu remove Ibas without court intervention?
Yes. As the appointing authority, Tinubu has the constitutional power to recall the Sole Administrator at any time. He hasn’t done so — possibly because removing Ibas might appear as an admission of error. But if the court rules against Ibas, Tinubu could face political pressure to act. His silence so far speaks louder than his statements.
What happens if the state of emergency expires on September 19, 2025?
Legally, the Sole Administrator’s mandate ends. The suspended governor and assembly members should return to office unless the president seeks a renewal — which requires approval by two-thirds of the National Assembly. That’s unlikely given the current political climate. If Tinubu doesn’t act, Rivers State could face a power vacuum — or a legal battle over who’s entitled to resume office.
